Understanding a Journey: The How and Why of Latino/a Community Growth in the Southern US

[Tatiana Salvador] Good evening everyone My name is Tatiana Salvador and I am the co-chair of DUHLAA, Duke University Hispanic/Latino Alumni Association I want to welcome you this evening to our Lifelong Learning Program Before we get started, I just want to share with you a couple of the ground rules of the webinar First, the chat function of the webinar has been disabled. But if you have any questions throughout the presentation, you can submit them by using the Q&A tab at the bottom of the screen Second, the program is being recorded. So if you’d like to review it sometime later, or know of any other interested parties who wish to view this presentation, they can do so by contacting Duke and viewing the recorded presentation. Once again, ladies and gentlemen, I want to welcome you all as we celebrate Latinx Heritage Month 2020 by joining DUHLAA for a Lifelong Learning Program To better understand today, we must look back on the past journeys that brought us where we are in the present. And in this session, we’re going to learn about the growth of the Latino and Latina community in the history of contemporary migration to the U.S. South. Shortly, Dr. Cecilia Márquez, Assistant Professor of History at Duke, will share her expertise on Latinxs during the demise of the Jim Crow segregation, their transformation from an ethnic group to a racial one, and the importance of the region in shaping Latino and Latina identity today. Dr. Márquez earned her BA at Swarthmore College, and her Master’s and Ph.D. at the University of Virginia Her first book project, The Strange Career of Juan Crow: Latinx Racial Formations and the U.S South, 1940 to 2010, examines the history of Latinos in the post-World War II South. Her work shows how Latinxs navigated Southern racial systems from Jim Crow to the present moment Her work has been published in Labor: Studies in Working Class History, Latino Studies and the Journal of American Ethnic History. Her work has also been supported by the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Mellon Foundation and the Woodrow Wilson Foundation. Her next project is a history of Latinos and Latinas and far-right politics. Now on a more personal note, she reported that her father migrated here in the 1970s, and her Hispanic heritage is Venezuelan. As for Duke, her favorite Duke teaching moment has been getting to work with teams of undergraduate students over the summer on research for her second book on Latinos We all know Duke students are special. But working so closely with these brilliant students totally blew her away, she says in terms of the level of their analysis and ability to get things done. So with that, I present to you Dr. Cecilia Márquez [Dr. Cecilia Márquez] Hi, everyone. I managed to unmute myself. Good evening, it’s so good to be with you all. Thank you so much for having me. Thank you to DUHLAA for having me and all the work you all did, put into this event. I’m so excited to be with you all. I was sort of joking beforehand, this is the first school I’ve ever been affiliated with school spirit. And it’s very cool to get to see that play out in this alumni experience. So I’m going to share my screen, and we’re going to assume that this thunderstorm doesn’t create any problems Okay. I wanted to start by just giving you a sense of how I came to this project, how I came to this work. My journey started in undergrad. It sounds like it was an important experience for me as it was for many of you, my undergrad time I was interviewing the activists on the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, or SNCC, which was a civil rights movement activist group in the 1960s. And I ended up interviewing a Chicano man who was involved in the southern civil rights movement, and I became really interested in his story and how he experienced southern segregation as different from California, where he had grown up. And so this difference, this shift from what it meant to change your racial position from what you are in California to Mississippi became sort of fascinating to me. And I went to grad school expecting to write about Latinos in the southern civil rights movement. And I ended up writing a bigger story about race and how race changes over time and space. And so that’s really where my interests lie. I’m interested in how race

is made, how race is remade, how time and space transform those categories. Today, what I’m hoping we get out of this time together, three big takeaways. The first, Latinos have been in the South for a long time. It seems like kind of a simple point but it’s an important one. We’re not always brand new to everywhere that we show up The second is that Latinos arrive in the South as a result of active recruitment from industry and manufacturers and the federal government And the third, which is where I sort of began, is that what it means to be Latino changes over time And that we can’t think about Latino as a static category, but rather one that evolves all the time. I want to start in the 1950s with the Enriquez family In the late 1950s, the Enriquez family left San Antonio, Texas and moved to Rosedale, Mississippi in search of better jobs and a better life for their family Sorry, the rain is so loud and I’m sorry if it’s distracting. Daniel Enriquez, the family patriarch, was a trained electrician but couldn’t find any work in Texas, a fact that he attributed to being Mexican. He was hopeful that the Mississippi Delta would have more promising prospects. He was right. He quickly found steady and better paying work in Rosedale, Mississippi However, upon his arrival, experienced in racial segregation in Texas, as we see with a sign here, the Enriquez family initially used Colored entrances in Mississippi This was after all, the heart of Dixie during the height of Jim Crow Describing their first encounter, Mary Enriquez said, “Coming from Texas, we were used to not mingling. You knew where you belonged, and you didn’t cross the line.” However, in Mississippi when the Enriquezes attempted to use Colored entrances, they were ushered to white entrances by Black and white patrons alike. So a couple things that are important to pull from that story. The first, it’s not surprising that the Enriquez family would use a Colored entrance at the time. For much of the second half of the 20th century, Latinos in the Southwest, the West and parts of the Northeast were battling school segregation, housing discrimination and racist policing In the late 1950s, going to Mississippi, you probably didn’t assume you were going to find anything more welcoming However, the Enriquez family did find a new kind of ritual acceptance in the Mississippi Delta While today, we may not think of Mississippi as a place that you go to escape racism, that’s exactly what happened at the time for the Enriquez family Sixty years later, life will look very different for those Mexicans and Mexican-Americans and Latinos migrating to the deep South. In August 2019, federal immigration agents raided seven chicken processing plants, detaining nearly 700 workers across central Mississippi. Lieutenant Governor at the time and now Governor Tate Reeves praised the agents for their work, “Glad to see that ICE is working hard to enforce our immigration laws 680 aliens detained in Mississippi today. We must enforce our laws for the safety of all Americans Well done.” The same Mississippi where the Henriquez family initially arrived was also becoming home to one of the most draconian anti-immigrant laws in the nation Along with Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, it passed some of the harshest legislation and strove to make life as challenging as possible for undocumented immigrants Targeting all facets of daily life, these laws made it impossible for students to attend schools, made it impossible for people to access health care. It sort of criminalized all aspects of daily life. So why the change? Why is it the Henriquez family is using white Jim Crow accommodations at a time when they are using Colored accommodations in Texas. When they come to Mississippi, they’re using white. Why then would 60 years later, Latinos be targeted by some of the harshest anti-immigration laws in the same state? And that’s part of what I’m trying to understand, how race changes over time and why this shift happens. So why talk about the South? And where am I talking about? These are the states that you see with a 90% growth or more, that’s really the South that I’m talking about. I’m happy to talk about why Texas and Florida don’t end up in there. Most of it has to do with the fact that there’s much longer Latino histories in places like Texas and Florida. I’m interested in moments of encounter and how communities adjust to Latino communities That sign that we saw on the previous slide, that comes out of Dallas, Texas. There’s already a Jim Crow segregation system that includes Mexicans in places like Texas. It’s a fairly different racial formation. I’m mostly covering the South, the states covered here in yellow, although not

South Dakota. These are the states that have seen 90% growth or more between 2000 and 2010 For those who have spent time in North Carolina recently, I don’t think that there’s any question about why we need to study Latinos in the South. According to this Carolina Population Center at UNC, the Latino population grew from just over 75,000 in 1990, to 800,000 by 2010 In 2018, the estimated Latino population in North Carolina was just over one million. And North Carolina is not alone. So Alabama, South Carolina, Virginia, Georgia have all seen similar high rates of Latino growth over this period. And so a lot of the focus on this recent migration has been about the newness of it, the new Latino South, the Nuevo South as coined by some And so what my work is doing is trying to really think about what happened before the 1990s and in the early 2000s. And we’ll get there. I’ll talk about that too because that’s an important part of the time shift that’s going to happen But what happens before that that’s important So thinking about the early history, I just want to spend a moment thinking about what happened before the 1980s and 1990s today because it’ll set up what’s going to happen in terms of that shift in race, and we can use Duke as one way to understand this early history So on the left, we have an image here, Rodolfo Rivera, and this is an image pulled from a recent graduate Elizabeth Barahona, who is at Northwestern getting her Ph.D. in history, and she did…her undergraduate honors thesis on the history of Latinos at Duke She’s written that and it’s available online, and it’s a great history for those who are interested She has an image here of Rodolfo Rivera, one of the early Latino students on campus, and juxtaposed next to that I have an image pulled from Frank Guridy’s work about Afro-Cubans who attended Tuskegee University in Alabama. Both of these are happening in the early 20th century time period. But part of the reason I show these images is that universities are one way that Latinos are starting to show up in the U.S. South during this time, and as we can see, they’re showing up in a segregated world and they’re being segregated So Black Latinos are attending historically Black colleges and universities, they’re living in primarily African-American communities, and non-Black Latinos are attending segregated universities that are historically white like Duke University. So these are some of the early images. And I also want to just briefly plug, Barahona is going to be having an event of her own that I plan to be in attendance to and hopefully you all will as well, about the history of Latino students at Duke this Saturday So we start to see this early formation of Latinos attending universities. Duke is not alone. I find examples of Latinos attending schools as early as 1900, places like the University of Alabama in Birmingham, University of Georgia, places like that. It’s pretty common after the Spanish-American War The other place that Latinos are showing up is in Washington, D.C. And the reason is because of the growing diplomatic corps that’s in D.C., like embassies, the Organization of American States, these kinds of global organizations that are starting to form in D.C. in the 1940s, Latin Americans and Latinos are starting to show up to do that. I just want to share one story from this time here because I think it really captures a central truth about how race was functioning for Latinos during this time. So 1947 Karla Galarza, photographed here, the daughter of Ernesto Galarza, who is a famous farm labor organizer in California. Her family moves to Washington, D.C., and she is 22 at the time and she decides she wants to become a dressmaker. And she goes to the Margaret Murray Washington Vocational School, which is an all-Black school at the time, and starts taking dressmaking classes. She’s about a month into her classes when the superintendent of, at the time called Negro schools, intervened and said that she could no longer take classes there He said that she was not eligible to take classes, because she was, “Not a Negro.” This is an entire chapter in my book so I’m condensing a pretty complicated story. But she basically gets kicked out of this Black vocational school The case makes headlines, as you can see here, and people have different takes on what her race is. You can see even in one, “White Girl to Fight Ruling, Plans Suit of Mexican…they’re trying to figure out what her racial position is The case makes some headlines in part because of the oddity of the story. This kind of reverse integration story that doesn’t really fit with the way that we think about race at the time, but eventually the school board confirms that

she cannot attend. They fight the case of the school board rules, and their logic is not actually that she’s white. I’m not saying she’s white and therefore she should attend white schools What they’re saying is that she’s not Black and therefore she should be in white schools And the key takeaway for this story, and it connects with the Enriquez story, is that she is not Black, and that’s the kind of racial category that she fits in at the time And that is really what’s going to categorize or characterize Latinos prior to the 1970s and 1980s They may not be fully white, but so long as they’re not Black, they can benefit from whiteness. So what about Afro-Latinos, you might be asking, or Black Latinos. In the Southeast, Black Latinos experienced discrimination faced by African-American southerners. For example, Manny Diaz, an Afro-Puerto Rican soldier who was stationed in Biloxi, Mississippi, was classified as white by the military and he therefore served in an all-white unit But when he was on furlough in Biloxi, Diaz and a group of friends went to a bar, and the bartender refused to serve him in the white section Others, like Bob De Leon, remember touching down with his fellow soldiers in Columbus, Georgia He’s also an Afro-Puerto Rican from New York City. And he accidentally used the white bathroom He said, “And I’m taking a leak there. There’s this huge, huge man who just stands there, a state trooper who looks at me. And I said, ‘You see something you like?’ And he goes like this and reaches for his gun. Thank God one of the petty officers who were just chaperoning came in and said, ‘Let’s go.'” Another time he recalls accidentally drinking from a white water fountain and that a cop came over, and luckily he was in uniform, he recalls the cop basically interfered and again threatens him with a gun. He says, “They kind of look and point to you, to where you’re supposed to be drinking They don’t say anything and they just look He said, ‘You’re not from around here, are you boy?’ So I went and drank from the Colored water So I come back, and I said, You know, it tastes the same.'” So this is his interaction with a cop. And De Leon has several of these stories where he accidentally uses white water fountains, white facilities. And so there’s a question about how much of an accident it is at some point, and at what point it’s actually a form of protest. These are two Black Latino men who are coming from New York City and are encountering Jim Crow for the first time, and unlike Karla Galarza, they are decidedly Black and therefore experiencing Jim Crow Both Diaz and De Leon had very different encounters with Jim Crow than the Enriquez family, the Galarza family and other non-Black Latinos. Indeed, comparing their two stories suggests that Latinos, rather than complicating Jim Crow, fit quite easily into anti-Black logic So just to return to our first takeaway point, Latinos have been here for a long time And this is just a little bit of the work I’ve done, and I’m happy to talk more about this earlier period because I’m about to fast forward to the 1980s when things start to get a little more exciting in terms of race shifting. There’s others that trace the history of Latinos back much further and I’m happy to talk more about that in the Q&A. So things started to change in the 1980s and the 1990s. My argument is basically that this kind of not Black Latino racial formation is what characterizes the experience up until the 1980s So what changes during that time? Basically, Latinos started showing up and start showing up in large numbers…because between 1990 and 2000, Latino population grows over 308% in six southern states, it continues to outpace traditional settlement states by nearly twofold So why show up in the South? Why the Southeast? And why the 1980s and 1990s? And now you all are also subject to what my students have to face, which is that I’m not very good at PowerPoints and so they look like this most of the time So there’s three things that really come together in the 1980s and 1990s that set the stage for large-scale Latinx migration to the Southeast The first is IRCA and Operation Gatekeeper IRCA is a piece of legislation, the Immigration Reform and Control Act signed by Ronald Reagan in 1986. It does a bunch of things, but what some of the important things for our time today, it provides amnesty to undocumented people living in the United States at the time, but it also diverts huge amounts of money to immigration enforcement to prevent future undocumented immigration. So the basic argument is, if you’re here, fine, you can stay, but we’re going to make it impossible for future people to come. So they’re really militarizing the border, ramping that up. And then in 1993 and 1994 U.S. immigration officials implement Operation Blockade in Texas and Operation Gatekeeper in California. They target two of the most frequent

sites of unauthorized crossing and the goal is basically to deter unauthorized immigration rather than try and find undocumented migrants once they’re in the country. You get the visual, gatekeeper, blockade, they’re trying to prevent migration from even getting across Between IRCA and Gatekeeper, you’re seeing the U.S.- Mexico border becoming militarized in ways that had not existed prior to this moment. That becomes really important for the ways that Latinos are thinking about their lives. So Operation Gatekeeper prevents you entering from Texas and California So people started looking for new destinations and one of the new destinations that undocumented people are looking to is the Southeast. When they move to the Southeast, they often move permanently because part of what happens as a result of IRCA and Operation Gatekeeper is that people can no longer circularly migrate So prior to this time period, people would spend a few months in the Southeast or a few months sort of seasonally doing work, and then they would return to Mexico and then they would do it again In the 1980s, what happens is that that militarized border means that people have to make hard decisions. They’re realizing it’s not going to be easy to cross every year, and they really have to put down roots somewhere. A lot of people decide to stay in the United States and to move specifically to the Southeast. So all of a sudden, we see a lot of people who weren’t traditionally living permanently in the region, moving permanently and bringing their families along with them because they realize they’re not going to be able to go back and forth across this much more protected border. So they settle down in the United States and they bring their families with them. In addition, what’s happening in the 1990s, you’re having large numbers of Latino families settling, and that includes a lot of women and children. That means Latinos start showing up in schools, Latinos start showing up in parks and Latinos start showing up in Walmart, and that is a shift for the South where they’re like, “Okay, so these are people who are now a part of our everyday social life in a way that perhaps previously in the 70s, they weren’t.” That’s what happens in the 1980s, 1990s, with legislation And at the exact same time that this legislation is making people want to settle down in a specific place, the Southeast economy is booming The Southern Sun Belt in general is growing some of the biggest industries at the time As we see here, poultry processing, especially in places like North Carolina and Georgia, the construction industry throughout the Sun Belts, all of these suburbs that are popping up all over the place. Anyone who’s driven through North Carolina now, I now live in one of those subdivisions, sees these kinds of suburbs popping up everywhere, and those have to be built and those have to be maintained Carpet and furniture manufacturing, fisheries, all of the industry in the South, Southeast at this time is growing at a time that the rest of the country is actually shrinking. They have more jobs than they have people. And so what happens is that we see industries at this time start recruiting very actively for Latino labor So there’s a lot of different strategies that companies used. Anthropologist Angela Stuesse found that as early as 1977, the Mississippi-based poultry company B C Rogers began to recruit Mexicans from Texas, Mexican and Mexican-Americans. They also started a program called the Hispanic Project that ran from 1994 to 1998 that sought to recruit Latinos from Miami You can see the kind of logic there, like where do Latinos live? Texas and Florida Let’s go find them. That was the kind of logic behind this Hispanic Project In Charlotte, North Carolina, they started having truckloads of Mexican men being brought by Texas subcontractors. They were really sending buses out and coming back with busloads of people to try and fill these jobs, basically. The poultry industry especially was growing much faster than the local population could keep up with. Companies also created incentive programs, so Latino workers would receive a bonus for every new worker that they recruited, and an additional bonus if the recruited worker stayed on beyond a certain timeframe. So people started obviously inviting their families, there’s work here, come work here. As late as 2002 Gold Kist, which is an Alabama poultry manufacturer, had installed actual billboards in Mexico, that read, “Mucho trabajo in Russellville, Alabama” – there’s plenty of work in Russellville, Alabama. And they bought radio ads in Mexico to entice new workers. What’s important here is that Latinos are being really actively invited to the Southeast at the exact time that they’re mobile because they have amnesty for the first time and they don’t want to continue circular migration because of that harder border So those Latinos were recruited and were able to find jobs, and they quickly spread the word

Some reach out to family in Mexico and other places in the United States At this time, there’s a real growing desire on the part of manufacturing, at least, for Latinx labor, and one of the complicated consequences is that race changes during this moment for Latinos, and they begin to  be seen as a cohesive racial group. So while in this earlier period, Latinos are seen as not Black and something sort of complex and confusing, but more importantly, not Black, Latinos become an actual category during this time period And the first way that Latinos become racialized is really around the image of the hard-working immigrants. So ostensibly, this racialization is kind of positive in a complicated way at the beginning. Just to give a couple examples, an administrator in Dalton, Georgia with carpet manufacturing who said, “I love my Mexicans,” said Durkan Spinning Mill manager, Sonny Buchanan. “They go out there and run their jobs, they’re loyal. The white people are just the opposite. They bounce around. These Hispanics are helping us out.” In 1997, Harris reported that the explanation that he offered for loving his Hispanics, “Hispanic employees work harder and produce more. They’re just fantastic workers. They don’t call in sick.” He went on, “And when they come, they really work.” Hispanic workers, he noted, work twice as hard as Americans for the same wages. Latinos were praised as the lifeblood of the community and a godsend for many struggling industries. And this is important to remember because it doesn’t stay this way forever. So Latinos receive an actually kind of complicatedly warm welcome. In Dalton, Georgia, the Chamber of Commerce president said, “Thank goodness that when we needed to fill these jobs, we have people to come in to keep the carpet investment here.” “In general,” he continued, “these are people with strong family values, red, white and blue values.” There’s a kind of complicated welcome, and of course, we need to think about what that actually means to say Latinos are hard workers, and in what ways that’s normalizing hyperproduction of Latinos because they might just be more productive because they’re really precarious and therefore have to keep these jobs because the stakes are so much higher And the last reason, which I unfortunately don’t really have a great image for, is one that I’ve heard throughout my interviews, I think it’s an important point, that a lot of Latinos…when they’re migrating from Central America or from Mexico, were coming from rural areas and were really looking to have a rural life in the U.S Some of them had moved to LA and were sort of disenchanted with city life. As someone who just moved from New York City, I can relate in some ways to the challenges of wanting to find a calmer life somewhere else. There was a goal really to find a place where they could raise a family in a calm environment that reminded them in some ways of where they had grown up. So there’s a lot of complicated economic, political reasons that Latinos end up in the Southeast, but part of it is actually just coming from Latinos themselves and a desire to find a way of life that they think is possible in the Southeast. So just to recap, three things came together to bring Latinos in the South in the 1990s: U.S. immigration policy, active recruitment by southern industry and Latinx desires to settle somewhere calm So why does this matter? It’s important because Latinos didn’t just wander into Georgia and North Carolina. They didn’t just wander there and create thriving communities because they were looking for somewhere else to go. They were actively recruited by local industries and had to migrate and have their migration facilitated by federal policy So if you think back to takeaway number two, Latinos showed up because of labor recruitment, and their labor saved dwindling Southern industry and in the process revitalized several economic hubs in the Southeast, and I think we can count the Triangle among them. During this time period, we see mostly an emphasis on hard-working Latinos, but eventually, as we all know, we’re going to get to illegal alien. So why does that happen? Two things change after 2000 that would really reshape the world for Latinos in the South The first is 9/11. So when we think of 9/11, we rightly think of this as a time of increased anti-Muslim sentiment, of increased anti-Arab sentiment, and that is true, and the reality is that it also created a massive security system that would eventually become weaponized against undocumented immigrants. So 287(g) programs, and for those who don’t know,

they’re initially created in 1996…The idea is that it’s a collaboration between local and federal officials to be able to communicate and collaborate around immigration cases So 287(g) programs are not really very popular until 9/11. So 9/11 happens and then all of a sudden, we start to see states and municipalities line up to participate in these collaborations So you get federal funds, and then your local officials would become deputized to be able to take on the same kinds of activities as an immigration agent. For example, the first 287(g) agreement was signed by Florida in 2002. A year later Alabama joined, and seven years later in 2009, 67 state and local agencies in 23 states were participating in the program. There we go, sorry Southern elected officials often weaponize the memory of 9/11 as a way to justify this ever expanding security state. In an interview about her support of 287(g) Sue Myrick, a North Carolina representative said, “Everybody keeps forgetting 9/11. The bottom line, we have no idea who’s in our country, we have no idea who comes across the borders, both North and South.” Despite there being no evidence of anyone involved in the 9/11 attack or any subsequent terror attacks entering through Mexico, Myrick framed what was a debate about illegal immigration as one about national security. So 9/11 matters because it results in increasing anti-immigrant sentiment through patriotic nativism and the kinds of policing of who is and isn’t an American. And it ramped up participation in 287(g) programs, which are ostensibly about creating better interagency cooperation between federal and local police forces. But what it actually was was it deputized local law enforcement officials to act as immigration agents, which meant that being pulled over for a traffic stop because your light is out or a noise violation, those things all of a sudden become deportable offenses And so being Latino in the South all of a sudden becomes much more dangerous The Great Recession is the next important turning point. If 9/11 signaled the beginning of a shift away from Latinos as hard-working immigrants and people with red, white and blue values, the Great Recession was a pivotal shift in how Latinos were racialized in the U.S. South. As we all know, in December of 2007, the U.S. experienced what would become known as the Great Recession as a result of the housing bubble bursting, tight labor markets and economic downturn. As a historian. I will tell you rarely bodes well for immigrants in the United States. Rising nativism, restriction of public services and escalated deportation efforts have characterized earlier periods of decline Here I have an image from a 1931 Mexican newspaper. So just to give you a sense of time before the Great Recession that was the worst American downturn was the Great Depression. During that period, there was a massive repatriation campaign, so Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were removed by force or by choice from the United States, and by the end of the repatriation campaign, between 500,000 and one million people were repatriated or sent back to Mexico. A lot of them are actually U.S. citizens. It’s a very dark part of our history. But we certainly hear echoes of it and what would happen right after the Great Recession. During the time in 1931, a lot of language used by officials, there was emphasis on preserving jobs for real Americans, and preserving precious wealth or resources for real Americans. And after the 2008 recession, we start to hear those echoes again. So starting in 2010, there’s a wave of anti-immigrant legislation that copies Arizona’s SB 1070 bill which is most famously known as the “Show me your papers” law Basically, the logic was that police officers were authorized to stop anyone who appeared to be illegal and ask them to see their immigration papers. So it also became a crime to not carry your immigration papers at the time and many rightly noted that this seemed like racial profiling, and is therefore been challenged and parts of it have been struck down. So southern legislators…SB 1070 was in Arizona and southern legislators copied this law and made it harsher Representative of some of this legislation was the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, or HB 56, which was signed into law by Governor Bentley on June 9, 2011

Similarly, it allows police officers to detain anyone who had reasonable suspicion that they were in the country unlawfully. It prohibited undocumented migrants from receiving medical benefits. It prevented them from attending state universities or publicly-owned colleges It required K-12 schools to check the immigration status of the students attending It goes on and on. It wasn’t the first time that Alabama had attempted anti-immigration legislation but it was by far the worst and most powerful pieces of legislation. And what was shared among these pieces of legislation that spanned beyond Alabama, but included Georgia and South Carolina and North Carolina, was the concern about the taxpayer and keeping jobs for Americans So South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley in her announcement of her version of the new legislation said, “What we’re saying in this state is that we can no longer afford to support people that don’t come here the right way. And now we are going to do something about it.” Nathan Deal, the then Governor of Georgia, said, “States must act to defend their taxpayers.” So just to kind of think about this history that we’re hearing right now and then what we learned in the 1990s, you can kind of hear the complicated contradiction. On the one hand, you had two decades ago, Latinos being very actively recruited, sort of desperately, by desperate industry. And then 20 years later, finding themselves being cast as illegals draining state and city coffers, that they had all of a sudden become the enemy in this story, really I think what’s important is it’s important to sort of see those stories together to understand the kinds of contradictions that are present in this shift. For decades, industries in the South had created elaborate recruitment schemes to bring mostly undocumented Latinos to the region. And now state and local authorities were attempting to expel the very people who had rejuvenated their local economies. As Antonio, who came to North Carolina from Mexico in 2006, said, “People that have been here longer than I used to say that back in the 1990s when someone saw a Hispanic, the first reaction was curiosity, but treatment was different. Hispanic now has a negative connotation. Hispanic is illegal, unauthorized, poor, nothing to offer society, criminal or gangster.” Data on hate crimes confirms Antonio’s observations. Between 2003 and 2006, the number of hate crimes against Latinos and anti-immigrant hate groups in the region continued to grow So this is really the context that we’re kind of living in today. This is where we’re at in this current moment. What I want to just quickly retrace for you is what we did. So we talked about this kind of not Blackness, that Latinos are in in the 1940s, but really just before the 1970s Then we talked about the creation of the hard-working immigrant as it relates to labor recruitment, and the important role that Latinos had to play in the southeastern economy And then in a time of economic retraction and increased nativism as a result of 9/11, Latinos all of a sudden become illegal, and they become illegals, and they become targets of different kinds of political campaigns as a way to score points. And they become this kind of reviled group. So part of what we’ve seen here then, to get back to the third takeaway, is that race changes over time for Latinos, and race certainly changes over time for everyone, but in this group in particular, we can see how Latinos lost certain privileges of whiteness over this time period. So where are we today? In North Carolina, which is where I’m at, Thom Tillis was famously quoted for saying that Latinos are bad at wearing masks in COVID, and that that is one of the reasons the death rate is so high for Latinos, which it is It is incredibly high here, especially in Durham We continue to see raids, like we have in the past. And there’s some really hopeful signs of Black and Latinx organizing, and also signs that anti-Blackness within the Latino community will undercut some of those potentialities. But that’s kind of where we’re at today. The next shift will be exciting. Now I’m going to turn, just for the last second, to talk about you all as the alum. So one of the programs that we’re working on here at Duke in the History Department is… I’m going to be working with a group of students next semester to help write the history of Latinos at Duke And that’s you all. I’m working with Joan Munné in Spanish and Amy McDonald in the University

Archives on an exhibit that will be in the Chapel Family Gallery. And we would love to hear your stories, to see your photos, to have any papers you have lying around the house from your time We’d love to talk to you about any of that stuff so that we can start to understand how this bigger Latinx history in the South connects with our history at Duke So now I’m going to turn it over to Jennifer, and she’s going to handle questions [Jennifer Moreno] Sure. Hello everyone. I don’t know if you can see me Thank you all for joining and Dr Márquez, thank you so much for this presentation I thought it was really insightful and i hope everyone on here sees that as well It is associated to the last slide that you presented, of how can alumni support. Are there other types of things that alumni can do in order to support you and your work? [Dr. Márquez] I would love to hear from folks who would like to be included in the exhibit. That’s kind of the current place that I’m trying to build Latinx history at Duke and I think that’s going to be a good place, so if you’re interested in sharing your stories, you can send me an email and then we’ll have current students interview you in the coming spring if you have stories or objects or things you want to loan us to be on the exhibit. If you have a great memory or something that you want to share, anything like that. And if you want to figure out how to support in other ways, then feel free to just reach out to me. But I think the exhibit is where my brain currently is around, that kind of support, and then I’m hoping we can use that as a stepping stone to build a bigger presence about Latinx history at Duke [Jennifer] Awesome, that’s great. Thanks for sharing. One of the first questions that we had from the audience was, in terms of class, who were the folks moving to the U.S. in the 1980s? [Dr. Márquez] That’s a great question. In the 1980s, it’s mostly working-class Latinos. It’s not exclusively but when we’re looking at numbers, like overall, it’s mostly people who are coming to do poultry processing, people who are coming to do construction, to do work in fisheries, agricultural work, so it’s mostly working class people, but we also do start to see migrations of Latinos to start work at places like Duke, at RTP and other places around here. But I would say if you’re looking at the kind of raw data, it’s definitely mostly working-class migrants [Jennifer] Another question that we had from the audience was what is the most significant difference in the dynamics which drove historical Latino growth in the Southeast versus what will drive it in the future [Dr. Márquez] As in, in the past? That’s a great question My suspicion is that climate is going to be a big…climate catastrophe is going to be driving more and more refugees from everywhere to the United States and to other places where to be able to escape. We see what happened with Hurricane Maria, for example The entire composition of Florida has just been totally reshaped, well not totally but has been very reshaped as a result of Puerto Rican migration to Florida. But I suspect that climate catastrophe is going to be the leading engine of migration in the coming decades [Jennifer] Global warming is definitely something that will affect us all and also at a greater rate, undocumented immigrants or People of Color as well Related to your presentation, do you think that Latinos will no longer be coming into the Southeast with the same frequency as they have and settle in greater numbers somewhere else in the United States? [Dr. Márquez] That’s a good question. The rates have definitely slowed They’re still high. It’s also true that migration in general has slowed to the United States. It’s basically sort of evened out and and there’s just not as many specifically Latino migrants coming to the United States at this time I think the Southeast is still expanding pretty rapidly. I think it’s still growing, there’s still a lot of room to grow. I also think a lot of the industries in the Southeast are continuing to expand. It’s also true, we’re starting to see a really interesting trend that’s also a little concerning, of insourcing. Corporations that had previously left to go to places like China or southeast Asia, especially like textile work, are now coming back to places like South

Carolina and Alabama, basically because the environmental regulations are so low and the labor regulations are so poor, that it’s as affordable to be producing here as in Vietnam, and so I suspect that Latinos will fill some of those roles, as well as other types of refugee populations [Jennifer] Cool. Another question, based on historical trends do you see the definition of Latinx and our Latinx identity shifting again? If so, what direction do you think this would go in? [Dr. Márquez ] Totally. This is the question of the day, isn’t that? It’s a question that I grapple with in my Intro to Latino History class, and I think all of our students are grappling rather than… I think within the Latino community, we’re really seeing a fracturing and a lot of ways around race and around, mostly around race. I think that I sort of gesture to it a little bit in this project…or in this talk, but it’s more thought out in the broader book about the difference between being Black Latino and non-Black Latino, and I think that’s a fracture that’s really starting to show in the Latino community. And I think being indigenous versus non-indigenous is also a fracture that’s starting to show. I don’t have a good answer. I could write a million books about this and a million people have written books about this. But I do think that what Latino means and what it signals is changing a lot. I think you see this also around political alignments and the ways that Latinos have…how the Latino vote has shifted in recent years. I think that that term I would love to talk to you for a million hours about it because I think it’s a question that, I think that race is going to be the kind of central Are you experiencing the world as someone who is racialized as Latino, or is this an ethnic category for you? What does it mean for you to move through the world because we all look very different. It’s a complicated racial category. We experience the world pretty differently [Jennifer] That’s a very difficult question to answer, but I think with your presentation we have a little bit more of clarity [Dr. Márquez] It’s a great question, though. It’s really getting I appreciate it. It’s getting right at the heart, I think, of a lot of what those of us who study Latinos are trying to figure out, which is where is this category headed, and I get to be a historian and I get to just tell you where it’s been, and you can ask, maybe the political scientists will tell you where we’re headed [Jennifer] Thank you for that. Thanks everyone for asking a lot of questions. Another question, going a little bit more to the current state so with COVID-19 expecting to spur automation, ultimately digitalizing service jobs such as agriculture, how do you imagine that impacting Latinos in the South? [Dr. Márquez] Such a good question. I think that, first of all I think there’s always going to be a need for low-wage labor I think that there may not be as much and we might see a kind of contraction of Latinx migration if that does become the trend. The service sector is continuing to expand in the Southeast, especially as these suburbs continue to grow, they have to be built, they have to be serviced, they have to be maintained. There’s a sort of a expanding service sector, I think, that will continue to pick up some of that labor. Because I would say I would say even now agriculture is sort of starting to wane and it’s really more about food processing, is a lot of what Latinos are doing, like meatpacking, poultry processing, hog production. That’s a lot of what the work is now. If they figure out how to automate that, I think that’s going to be a big, that’ll be an interesting shift [Jennifer] Also another current state with the elections coming up as well, can you talk about Latinx voters in the U.S. election in the South over time, as well? [Dr. Márquez] We’re all going to maybe finish talking about Latinos and then go watch the debate or something So we don’t have a lot of data yet about how Latino voters in the South particularly operate because it is such a newish population. I can say more about Latinos more broadly Latinos in the South, especially because it is a more undocumented population than perhaps in other places…If we talk about Florida, for example, that’s a place that has a lot of Cubans and Puerto Ricans, people who have citizenship as a function of their arrival, whereas we’re looking at more Central American and Mexican-American migration,

or Central American and Mexican migration. I do think Latinos are part of the reason that we see places like North Carolina and Georgia being purple for the first time and certainly we’re contributing to that. It is also true, though, that, and this gets back to this point about what is Latino going to mean. Latinos are a very complicated voting block and at any given moment about 25% of Latinos are going to vote Republican. So this idea that it would be an inherently progressive force is not totally proven yet. It’s not a sort of reliable Democratic voting block in the same way that other groups might be I do think Latinos are contributing to the kind of purpling of certain states, and we saw a lot of that, not just in the South, but across the country. There was a ton of young Latino excitement about Bernie, for example. They were a big fuel behind his campaign and I saw some of that on campus. So I think there’s definitely an increased involvement, but I don’t have a great sense of the particularities to the South. But I can’t imagine that Georgia and North Carolina being contested states doesn’t have something to do with us being here [Jennifer] Another question. This will be one of the last two questions that I ask. What are some of the historical examples of solidarity between Latinx and Black communities and other communities of Color that can be the foundation for opportunities for solidarity moving forward? [Dr. Márquez] It’s a good question. So Jennifer Jones, who’s a sociologist, she writes about Mississippi, and Mississippi is an interesting place because it’s one of the few southern states that does not successfully get anti-immigrant legislation passed. They try so hard, they try like a million times to get one of their own SB 1070s out and they aren’t able to. And the reason, and she writes about this particular movement, the reason they’re not able to is that the Black and Latino community in Mississippi, excuse me, specifically the historical Civil Rights Movement community and the kinds of descendants of that people who see themselves in the lineage of that work really aligned themselves with Latinx communities to protest this bill, or these bills, I should say. The other place that I think is really exciting is Freedom University, which is out in Georgia at the University…sort of connected to the University of Georgia, which was formed right after Georgia banned undocumented or said that undocumented students couldn’t get in-state tuition at public colleges and universities, and they created Freedom University in the style of a Civil Rights Movement freedom school. And many of the local civil rights leaders have been really involved in the creation and maintenance of that It’s a school that is entirely free and it’s for undocumented students and it’s a really interesting, I think an inspiring way of riffing off of the history of Civil Rights Movement in the South [Jennifer] That really is inspiring. And the last question before moving it to Ricardo for closing was, with the growth of Latinx communities in the Southeast as well as other regions, do you think that the growth will one day be reflective of Latinx students at universities like Duke, or do you think other factors such as SES might come into play? [Dr. Márquez] I think we’re starting to see it at Duke. I think we’re starting to see it It’s interesting, I teach Intro to Latino History, or History of Latinos in the U.S is what we’re calling it. Many of my Latino students in that class are from North Carolina. They’re the locals, and I think that that’s a shift that we’re starting to see. I think we see it at, UNC Chapel Hill is another place that the composition of in-state students is increasingly Latino. The SES, the social socioeconomic status question is a complicated one, and I think…it’s a complicated one about how we think about race and class as these interlocking forms of exclusion and marginalization I think it would be good to try and figure out how we can make sure that we are recruiting, how do I say this, domestic Latinx students who have a particular, which is not to say not to recruit Latin American students, but it is also to understand that it is a different experience to be a child of a Guatemalan migrant living in Durham, North Carolina, growing up in Durham, North Carolina, than a sort of more wealthy or established child of a dignitary from Chile. Those are two different Latino experiences that both have legitimacy, but we also have to think about when we’re trying to think about diversity and inclusion, that we make sure that we’re thinking about who’s the most impacted by racism and capitalism basically

[Jennifer] Great. Dr. Márquez, thank you so much for answering all these questions and Ricardo I’ll pass it on to you for closing [Ricardo] Thank you very much, Jennifer. This is Ricardo Duque and I’m also the co-chair of DUHLAA. Today we really appreciate Dr. Cecilia Márquez for sharing with us, they’re very interesting sites This is part of a series of Lifelong Learning that we will continue to have and share with all of you. This is our Latinx Heritage Month and we all want to celebrate it, sharing this type of information and insight that we hope that you find valuable to all of you. We really appreciate your time. We thank you, Dr. Cecilia Márquez, we thank Jesse from Alumni Relations for all the support organizing this conference today, and Jennifer Moreno, who has been behind the scenes preparing questions and getting all set for today. Thanks again. We hope to see you pretty soon. Thank you [music]